The South China Sea in China's Strategic tactical
The South China Sea is considered a crucial
strategic location, being home to some of the busiest shipping routes in the
world as well as potential natural resource deposits such as oil and gas. Parts
of the sea are contested by multiple claimants, including China, Vietnam, the
Philippines, Malaysia and Taiwan.
While the global coronavirus pandemic
continues to dominate the headlines, Asia’s flashpoints continue to simmer. The
South China Sea is no exception, as evidenced by recent developments including
China-Vietnam tensions. Journalist Robert Kaplan calls the South
China Sea “the 21st century’s defining battleground,” the “throat of global sea
routes.”
A storyline has developed over the last few
weeks suggesting that China is taking advantage of global distraction during
the pandemic to increase its assertiveness in the South China Sea
Diplomatic Game
There are
probably three diplomatic tracks worth paying attention to.
First,
the ASEAN-China COC negotiations which continue to shuffle forward zombie-like
without any real progress.
The
second track is the bilateral consultative mechanisms, especially that between
Manila and Beijing. The MOU on joint exploration for oil and gas signed by Xi
and Duterte in October 2018 set a one-year goal for a final deal. That didn’t
happen because, as was clear at the time, they were talking about two wildly
different models.
Third is
the dark horse: will Vietnam get so fed up with the continued failures of the
COC progress amid increasing Chinese bullying that it pursues a parallel
diplomatic option, either with fellow claimants or through an external
mechanism like UNCLOS conciliation or arbitration procedures? Unlikely, but
repeats of last year’s oil and gas standoff (which seems like it might be
brewing at this moment) or a loss of life due to another collision could alter
the calculus of decision makers.
If the assumption that the South China Sea is China’s ‘blue
land’ is taken to its logical conclusion by attempting to eject other nations
from commercial or military operations within the area encompassed by the
‘nine-dash line’, the consequences for China’s relationship with the other
states bounding the South China Sea will be disastrous, however strong China’s
historic claims to its features may be. It will also have profound implications
for the way that China is regarded in the wider region and globally.
The
truth is, in military terms, this step is unnecessary. A rational Chinese
military strategy that understands the differences between continental and
maritime should be pursued, but
it’s not necessarily being pursued.
A unified strategy of Vietnam, Malaysia,
Philippines and Indonesia is indeed central to containing China. The joint
patrols would send a strong message to China to stop provocative steps. At the
same time, the countries like US, Japan, Australia and India should be
providing assistance to these countries and should be prepared to join their
patrols occasionally whenever required.
The ASEAN should play the central role to
manage dispute in the region and external powers should empower/support this
group. India, US, Australia, India and Japan should help the smaller nations to
give a formal shape to this strategy to deter China from continuing its
‘bullying tactics’ in the SCS.
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